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Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, previously made his fortune dealing in livestock and precious metals. Today, his RSF militia hold sway over nearly half of the Sudanese territory.

Seizing Power in Darfur

Hemedti's forces scored a major victory by overrunning the city of el-Fasher, which was the last remaining army garrison in the Darfur area.

Hated and dreaded by his enemies, Hemedti is revered by his followers for his tenacity and his promise to tear down the discredited state.

Modest Origins

Hemedti's origins are modest. He hails from the Mahariya section of the camel-herding Rizeigat community, an Arab group that straddles Chad and Darfur.

Born around 1974, like many from rural areas, his date and place of birth were not officially registered.

Guided by his uncle Juma, his clan moved to Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, fleeing conflict and in search of greener pastures.

Early Career

Dropping out of education in his early teens, Hemedti began earning by trading camels across the Sahara to neighboring countries.

At that time, Darfur was a lawless frontier—impoverished, neglected by the government of then-President Bashir.

Local armed groups known as the Janjawid attacked villages of the native Fur communities, escalating a major uprising in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

In response, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to lead his anti-rebel campaign. They quickly gained notoriety for burning, looting, and killing.

Hemedti's unit was part of this, implicated in destroying the village of Adwah in late 2004, claiming the lives of 126 people, including dozens of minors.

A US investigation concluded that the Janjaweed were responsible for genocide.

Calculated Moves

After the peak of violence in 2004, Hemedti astutely managed his rise to become head of a influential militia, a corporate empire, and a political machine.

He briefly mutinied, requesting unpaid salaries for his fighters, promotions, and a government role for his sibling. Bashir granted many of his requests.

Later, when other Janjaweed units rebelled, Hemedti commanded government forces that crushed them, taking over Darfur's biggest gold mining site at Jabel Amir.

Quickly, his business venture Al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Institutionalizing Influence

In 2013, Hemedti requested and obtained official recognition as head of the newly formed Rapid Support Forces, answering only to Bashir.

The Janjaweed were integrated into the RSF, receiving new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons.

Regional Ambitions

The RSF fought in Darfur, performed less successfully in the Nuba region, and accepted a role to guard the Libyan frontier.

Ostensibly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's commanders also excelled at extortion and people-trafficking.

By 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE requested Sudanese troops for the Yemen conflict. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide RSF mercenaries.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved highly significant, marking the start of a close relationship with UAE officials.

Expanding Influence

Young Sudanese men flocked to RSF enlistment offices for signing bonuses of up to $6,000.

Hemedti formed an alliance with Russia's Wagner Group, receiving training in exchange for business arrangements, including in the gold trade.

He visited Moscow coincided with the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Turning on Allies

With rising demonstrations, Bashir deployed Hemedti's units to the capital Khartoum, dubbing him "my protector".

This backfired. In April 2019, when demonstrators called for change, Bashir ordered the army to open fire. Instead, the generals overthrew him.

For a time, Hemedti was hailed as a new leader for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but that lasted only weeks.

Renewed Brutality

When power wasn't transferred, Hemedti deployed his forces, which killed hundreds, assaulted females, and allegedly drowned men in the River Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF committed atrocities.

Pressed by international powers, the generals and civilians reached a deal, leading to an unstable coexistence for two years.

Ongoing War

When a committee started looking into military-owned companies, Burhan and Hemedti dismissed the civilians and took control.

But they fell out. Burhan demanded the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti refused.

In April 2023, RSF units attempted to seize key bases in the capital. The takeover effort failed, and fighting erupted city-wide.

Violence exploded in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit community.

The UN estimates up to 15,000 civilian deaths, with the American officials calling it genocide.

Present Situation

The RSF has acquired advanced arms, including sophisticated drones, deployed against Burhan's stronghold and crucial in the assault on el-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has created a parallel government, the "Government of Peace and Unity", taking the chairmanship.

After taking el-Fasher, the RSF now controls almost all inhabited territory in western Sudan.

Following reports of atrocities, Hemedti announced a probe into violations committed by his fighters.

Sudanese speculate Hemedti sees himself as president of a breakaway state or still aims to control the entire country.

Alternatively, he may emerge as a behind-the-scenes power broker, commanding businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

And as Hemedti's troops commit violence in al-Fasher, he appears confident of impunity in a world that does not care.